Mediating Exploration:
Missionaries and the Imagining of Indigenous Cultures

Peter Michael Levins

Introduction

As a mediated cultural exchange, tourism is largely dependent on the creation and dissemination of a visual identity. Furthermore, tourism relies on the fabrication of desire to partake and consume simultaneously a place and a culture, with the perception that such consumption will benefit the consumer. Though this touristic desire is manifest in different ways, whether economic, educational, prestigious, or pleasurable, the guiding process of producing a recognizable, associative, and intriguing image is the same. This touristic mediation promotes design environments, often iconic buildings but also cities and landscapes, as physical metonyms for cultural identity, forming powerful and lasting associations between place, people, and the modified environment. In this way, pyramids become Egypt, the Grand Canyon the United States, and Pompeii, Italy. Representative stylistic and physical manifestations of cultural identity become necessary for the visual understanding and consumption of that place and culture. These quotidian associations of the imaged construction and a set of experiences, purportedly unique to the culture that produced it, become deeply ingrained in our shared consciousness. This process of imaging and mediating culture is the fundamental engine that enables the greater social enterprise of tourism and has a profound impact on how we perceive the built environment and national identity.

Though tourism is often closely identified with the growth of commercial mass-tourism starting in the post-war period, the foundations of this cultural phenomenon are much older. Even before the Grand Tour became a codified itinerary and benchmark of educational and economic prominence in the eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries, an exclusively visual tourism developed with the evolution of early travel literature during the Age of Exploration.

During this significant period of cultural and intellectual extroversion, Western European cultures sought to develop direct economic and political contact outside of the established European landscape, largely due to significant advances in scientific and transportation technology. The cultural pressures that incited the process of exploration were economic, political, and religious in nature. These forces cannot truly be understood separately, as they formed a nebulous triumvirate in the Early Modern period. Where one ends and another begins is unclear and an arbitrary distinction, more suited to contemporary discourse than to the historical analysis of this period. Nonetheless, the evolving political institution of the Early Modern nation-state and its mercantilist system of economic control drove the search for improved contact with distant cultures. Explorers, merchants, and missionaries recorded their journeys and experiences in foreign lands and with this record, provided European continentals with the first written and imaged documentation of unfamiliar people and places. In this period, before practical and widespread international travel, the information disseminated by explorers and missionaries performed the basic operation of tourism, linking places and people with stereotypical associations, essentially constructing the identity of indigenous peoples around the world for a stationary European audience.

As core agents of European cultural expansion in the Early Modern period, religious missionaries played a dominant role in the visual mediation of the native cultures and environments they encountered. Roman Catholic religious orders contributed heavily to this evangelism, being the clerical representatives of the majority of colonizing nations, notably the early colonial empires of Portugal and Spain, later joined by France and Belgium. In this paper, I will focus primarily on the contributions of one Catholic religious order heavily engaged in missions, the Society of Jesus, to the visual mediation of native peoples encountered across the world.

I have organized this analysis into three modules, each examining a different stage in the process of constructing a visual identity of indigenous populations for consumption by a stationary European audience. The first module investigates the initial encounter between missionaries and indigenous populations, marked by an effusion of textual documentation of ethnographic notes and journal entries. The Kroch Library's Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections (KRMC) particular and unique strength supporting this section is the collection of Jesuit notebooks from North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The second module examines the preliminary publications of ethnographic research, as explored in the previous module, and its visualization of indigenous cultures. The supporting resources for this phase are drawn from the KRMC's holdings on expedition literature from West Africa in the early Eighteenth Century. The third module scrutinizes the late phase of early encounter literature, namely the encyclopedic assembling and presenting of authoritative ethnographic atlases. For this final section, the supporting resources are drawn from the KRMC's prominent collection on East Asia from the sixteenth century. The modules of examination here outlined are not proposed chronologically, but thematically in order to better address both the strengths of the library's collections and the larger process of visualizing a cultural identity throughout the colonial world. The Society of Jesus, known also as the Jesuit order, is given particular attention in this analysis first as an organizing device, and second due to the incredible impact that this international religious organization asserted in the great awakening of Christian Europe to the larger, non-Christian world.

The Society of Jesus and the Catholic Counter-Reformation

The Protestant Reformation deeply shook the basic European religio-political system, challenging the traditional role of the Catholic Church in European political and spiritual affairs. In turn, this peripheral provocation instigated a revolutionary dialogue within the Church, necessitating the synthetic formulation of an authoritative dogma, finding form in the Council of Trent. This process of theological and legalistic consolidation provided the groundwork for an aggressive reactionary movement against the Protestant succession from traditional unity in political and religious doctrine of the Roman Church.

The primary institutional productions of the Council of Trent were new religious orders. In particular, the Society of Jesus was conceived as a novel hybrid of traditional Catholic religious life. It re-imagined the potential of a religious order, departing from the established monastic (monk) and mendicant (friar) precedents. The Jesuits were primarily a congregation of priests, taking the universal religious vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. However, unlike other monastic orders, the Society did not make vows of stability or require a commitment to communal life. Instead, professed members of the Society took a fourth vow of personal allegiance to the Pope. Great emphasis was placed on education and intellectual formation, to remedy the widespread ignorance amongst Catholic clergy. Theological faculties throughout Catholic Europe were reconstituted and reinvigorated, and the Jesuit order led this academic renaissance.

The primary engine of European evangelism in the Early Modern world was the persistent, driving force of economic expansion. Across Europe, exploratory companies of investors chartered expeditions seeking new trade routes and new trade partners throughout the world. Because of the diplomatic implication of such ventures, these early corporations were usually given preferential trade privileges or even monopolies, and in return were expected to carry out the directives of their sovereign sponsors. Often, facilitating the work of religious missionaries was a political priority for European sovereigns. For example, both the Portuguese and Spanish Empires were granted Papal dispensation to colonize native lands, on the condition that certain religious directives were met, including the conversion of native peoples. In this way, the movement of missionaries closely tailed that of the exploratory merchants.

Module One

The first module for contextualizing architourism during the Early Modern period examines travel writing as a primary vehicle for the mediation of native peoples encountered by European missionaries. The process of Jesuit proselytizing in Novelle France was somewhat idiosyncratic due to the large degree of personal freedom Jesuit missionaries were allowed in determining the best course of action for spreading the Catholic faith. But from this dynamic trial and error approach developed a general template for the founding of missions.

Quickly following arrival in colonial settlements, the Jesuits undertook a rigorous ethnographic analysis of the indigenous population. Learning native modes of communication was the paramount objective is this opening phase of proselytizing, as direct communication between missionary and potential convert was deemed compulsory to maintain canonically pure instruction. In Novelle France, the Jesuits immersed themselves in the study of the autochthonous culture, frequently wintering with the native peoples in order to learn their language (Le Jeune 1634, 23-26). Having been exhaustively educated as postulants in French seminaries, the Jesuits were adept linguists, whose multiple and diverse systematic transcriptions of Amerindian languages survive as witness to their analytic work among the native communities (Fig 11).

Figure 11:Claude Joseph Virot, S.J., notebook entry entitled: In conferendo extremae unctionis sacramento, compiled in Jacques Le Sueur, S.J., Histoire du Calumet e de la Danse, 1734, Archives 9044 Bd. Ms. 1, Native American Collection [fmr. The Huntington Free Library Native American Collection]
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The content of this page is entitled, In conferendo extremae unctionis scramento [In conferring the sacrament of Extreme Unction], one of the seven Sacraments of the Roman Catholic Faith. Here, the body of the text is translated into the Abenaki Language, itself in the early stages of transcription from its previous state of exclusively oral expression (Smith). Extant linguistic schemes such as this inform us of the importance of ethnographic analysis in the bid for European spiritual, economic, and territorial influence among native peoples. Such mediated and imaged material greatly impacted the European visualization of aboriginal populations, directly impacting the larger systems of economic mercantilism and colonialism, which would fundamentally reshape the Early Modern world.

Kroch Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections
Cornell University Library

In addition to the creation of catechistic transcriptions, the Jesuits missionaries in North America chronicled their experiences, encounters, and perceptions of Amerindians. While the surviving Jesuit manuscripts are wholly textual, they are rich with descriptions of the physical appearance, attributes, lifestyles, and living conditions of indigenous peoples and frame the emerging continental awareness and understanding of non-European cultures. Though the stereotypes popularized in the European public consciousness are conceptually definitive, the actual source material created over several centuries by the several hundred Jesuits working the North American missions show a wide degree of opinions and accounts. Often, such recorded information is valuable in understanding the missionaries themselves, rather than the subjects of their writing alone. For example, the missionary Jesuit Paul Le Jeune described the Amerindian people he encountered in detail, saying,

They are tall, erect, strong, well proportioned, agile; there is nothing effeminate in their appearance. Those little fops that are seen elsewhere are only painted images of men, compared with our Indians. I was once inclined to believe that pictures of the Roman emperors represented the ideal of the painters rather than men who had ever existed, so strong and powerful are their heads; but I see here upon the shoulders of these people the heads of Julius Caesar, of Pompey, of Augustus, of Otto. (Le Jeune 1634, 32-33)

Le Jeune's pronouncement on the masculinity of some European men aside, his recitation of the admirable qualities of the indigenous people is a strong passage constructing the image of the proud, noble savage who unashamedly lives a romanticized life in an idyllic eden, like the pagan heroes of Europe's Classical past. Direct references to the Roman emperors as idealized men attest to the Jesuit educational tradition in Classical Humanism.

Such overt Classical influences are evident in much Jesuit travel writing. Perhaps most strikingly in the conceptualization of civilization depending on a prominent urban culture which is contrasted by the peripatetic, barbarian other. In relation to the early contact between European missionaries and Amerindian peoples, one thematic constant is this prejudiced qualifying of the "civilization" of an encountered native people based primarily upon the similarity of their lifestyles to those of Europeans. This is largely a discussion of architecture, as Jesuit missionaries understood this fundamental human behavior at face value when assessing the development of a specific aboriginal group. In North America, some distinctive indigenous patterns of occupying the landscape in a semi-nomadic fashion put groups of Amerindians at a significant disadvantage in their treatment by Europeans. In many cases, the lack of permanent, immobile communities sustained by agriculture led missionaries to categorize Amerindians as living a sub-human, animalistic existence. It appears that such judgments were entrenched by the time the Jesuit Jean de Brébeuf arrived in North Ameirca in 1636, as he takes particular trouble to correct this association saying,

I do not claim here to put Indians [Hurons] on the same level as the Chinese, Japanese, and other perfectly civilized nations, but only to distinguish them from the condition of beasts (to which the opinion of some has reduced them) and to rank them among men, and to show that among them there is even some sort of political and civic life. It is quite important, in my opinion, to note that they live assembled in villages, with sometimes as many as fifty, sixty, or a hundred cabins (that is to day, three hundred to four hundred households); that they cultivate the fields, from which they obtain sufficient food to maintain themselves year-round (De Brébeuf 1636, 51).

While Brébeuf defends the humanity of the Hurons, his writing clearly shows a prejudice based upon the architectural "advancement" of the Hurons. His evidence to support raising the rank of Amerindians above the state of beasts is the large quantity of cabins and agricultural production. Though De Brébuef's intentions seem genuine, his cultural predisposition is plain in his assessment of Amerindian societal organization. His education in classical humanism evidently influenced his understanding of Classical associations between civilization and a manifest building culture. He is explicit in his diction, entitling the above journal entry "Of the polity of the Hurons and their government," making obvious reference to a Classical model of civilization as a structured government ordering a structure urban culture (polis). This distinction between a stationary urban culture supported by organized agriculture and a semi-nomadic, hunter-gatherer culture is further supported by Father Le Jeune's quotation of a Huron man as saying,

'You have no sense,' they said. 'Do you not see that you and the Iroquois cultivate the soil and gather its fruits, and not we, and that therefore it is not the same (Le Jeune 1634, 27)?'

In contrast, the Jesuit Paul le Jeune records the hunting of beavers in 1634, saying,

The other way of taking them [beavers] under the ice is more notable. Not all the Indians [Montagnais] use this method, only the most skillful. With their hatchets, they break apart the cabin or house of the beaver, which is indeed wonderfully made (Le Jeune 1634, 27).

Though not a particularly damning account, he uses the same descriptor of "cabin" in his praise of the well-built beaver burrows. Not unlike the English "lodge", these words indicating a certain form of rustic dwelling are used both to describe the burrows of animals as well as Native people. How early this entrenched notion of describing indigenous peoples' homes with descriptors bearing a connotation of substandard or more ephemeral construction than Western European houses is unclear, but its importance in forming a lasting association between people, culture, and architecture is evident.

The extant notebooks of French Jesuits working the missions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries inform us of the importance of ethnographic analysis and documentation in the bid for European spiritual, economic, and territorial influence among native peoples. This textual information, however graphic, is admittedly not architectural. Nevertheless, this process of ethnographic research within the missionary institution of the Society of Jesus forms a fundamental steppingstone in the European construction of native peoples and their colonial landscapes. Such mediated and imaged material greatly impacted the European visualization of aboriginal populations and their homelands via a discussion of their architecture, directly impacting the larger systems of economic mercantilism and colonialism that would fundamentally reshape the Early Modern world.

Module 2

The second module for contextualizing architourism during the Early Modern period investigates the preliminary visualizations of indigenous cultures, as published in compellations of many Jesuit's field notes into an anthological compendium of travel writing, or voyage literature. This phase in the early mediation of discovered lands and people is of paramount importance, because the ethnographic research conducted in the field and recorded textually, as examined above, is given a definitive and authoritative image. Moreover, these emerging images of people and places unfamiliar to Europeans condensed the many different accounts and descriptions written by different missionaries into a single, canonical representation.

One good example of this, out of many, is the compendium entitled Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinèe, isles voisines, et a Cayenne, fait en 1725, 1726, & 1727 (Voyage of the Knight of Marchais in Guinea, neighboring islands, and to Cayenne, made in 1725, 1726, and 1727). Taking the form of a multiple volume series, this particular expedition account was assembled out of individual journal entries from Jesuit missionaries in addition to the recounts of the explorer Reynard des Marchais. The inclusion of unaltered ethnographic information from missionary journals was likely necessitated by the dependence merchants and explorers had towards missionaries who lived and worked among native populations, and spoke local languages. Yet the publication of voyage literature involved a process of selective inclusion and compellation of the impressions of many individuals, and the production of ethnographic visual representations. For example, within the previously introduced Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinèe, is contained an engraving entitled the Maisons des Negres du Cap Mezurado (Houses of the Negros of Cape Mezurado), which depicts a staged view of a native settlement along the so-called Gold Coast of West Africa (Fig 12). A 'representative' village or living complex along a riparian corridor is rendered in a muted landscape dotted with characteristic vegetation and natural features. For the convenience of the audience, any walls obstructing interior views have been removed from the major structures (kitchen, house, and meeting hall). Furthermore, basic descriptors of the buildings' construction and use are included in the key. For example, the graphically representative house is described in the plural "houses of the Negros of Cape Mezurado, coated in red earth". The food storage space is described as 'the mud-brick granary for millet and rice'. The meetinghouse, called a "caldé" (most likely the phonetic transcription of a native term into French) is described as a place "where the Negros assemble for business and causes during the day". These textual descriptors add valuable information to the diagram regarding building materials, techniques, and uses.

Figure 12:K. De Putter, Maisons des Negres du Cap Mezurado, plate, pg 104, printed in Jean Baptiste Labat, Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinèe, isles voisines, et a Cayenne, fait en 1725, 1726, & 1727, vol. I, 1731, Rare Books G460 .L11 1731
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As an early depiction of a West African culture, engravings such as this were among the first graphic representations of non-European cultures produced in European print media. In turn, this process of widely disseminating visual material and information formed the visual and representative paradigms associated with the early contact with "primitive" cultures. This process of constructing, producing, and consuming a certain image of native cultures must have deeply influenced the European understanding of aboriginal groups and consequently shaped the larger machinations of political, economic, and religious cross-cultural interaction.

Kroch Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections
Cornell University Library

These descriptors may in fact be more legitimate than the image portion of the engraving, which represents the native settlement in a decidedly abstracted form. For example, the depiction of the gable-roofed meeting hall includes no lateral support structure for the roof, and the posts are engraved identically as continuous timber trunks with identical natural crotches that engage the horizontal beam. Clearly, the likelihood of naturally occurring identical tree crotches is remote, but this intentional form of representation makes a clear statement about the presumed primitive nature of indigenous architecture.

The caricaturizing of non-European architecture into a broader stereotypical typology of "hut" in turn perpetuates a strong association between so called "primitive cultures" and a particular architectural image. Just as the Jesuits described the homes of Amerindians as "cabins", here in West Africa, they assign the word, case, meaning hut. Though perhaps accurate in describing the materiality, scale, and setting of certain typologies of houses built by non-Europeans, the use of diction differentiating indigenous cultures from the missionaries deeply influenced the understanding and subsequent treatment of native cultures in colonial political, economic, and religious policies.

This process of widely disseminating visual material and information formed the visual and representative paradigms associated with the early contact with native cultures. This process of constructing, producing, and consuming a certain image of native cultures profoundly influenced the European understanding of aboriginal groups and consequently shaped the larger machinations of political, economic, and religious cross-cultural interaction.

Module 3

The third module of contextualizing architourism during the Early Modern period analyzes the encyclopedic assembling and presenting of authoritative ethnographic atlases to a stationary European audience. Like the preceding phases, this final pronouncement on indigenous culture heavily refashions the individual works of many authors, and re-narrates them into encyclopedic atlases. One such example is entitled Atlas Chinensis. This work chronicles two diplomatic voyages made to the Far East by the United Provinces of the Netherlands in the mid Sixteenth Century. Each province is described thoroughly with text and supporting engravings. Special attention is paid to geographic and ethnographic information, and creates a clear image and visual representation for study. As discussed, this compendium of ethnographic information is drawn from many unattributed authors, and displays a deep, though prejudiced understanding of East Asian cultures. Given this obvious familiarity and the short length of the diplomatic mission, it is reasonable to assume that the editor of this volume has drawn heavily from the memoirs and journals of Europeans who have spend considerable time living and working among the indigenous peoples. Compounded with the Dutch East India Company's dependence on Jesuits as interpreters and guides to the lands of the Far East, it is likely that the information included even in the travel literature of a Protestant colonial power was derived from the rigorous fieldwork undertaken by the Jesuits in Asia.

A typical visualization of Chinese culture and religious practice is shown in the engraving entitled The Idoll Sekia (Fig 13). This image and its associated text reveal the profound interest which ethnographic analysis held for European missionaries and diplomats as a tool for better understanding the native cultures they encountered. The view is set behind a row of chanting clerics, which form one length of the rectangular seating arrangement. In the clear central space, acolytes bang gongs, trumpet horns and woodwinds, and beat drums before the statue of the so-called idol Sekia. Ambiguously attached to the surrounding aedicule, the statue of Sekia seems to hover amidst the rising smoke of burning incense. The aedicule, within which the statue of Sekia is displayed, appears strikingly similar to a baroque Catholic altar, placed against a wall, flanked by four near-Solomonic columns, surmounted by a symbolic canopy, and anointed with purifying incense. Whether this damming similarity is an intentional political statement by the Protestant Netherlanders or simply a model of architectural representation is not clear. Surprisingly, during this period, Catholic missionaries are as quick to report perceived heresies such as idolatry as their Protestant counterparts, though the Catholic use of devotional images and statues falls into a precariously narrow seam of theological correctness. Regardless, in images such as this, the representation of architecture is fused with ethnographic portrayal. The accompanying text is an attempt at an encyclopedic record of Chinese religious observance, listing deities in order of perceived importance, Sekia being number one hundred and forty. The recorded worship scene is recounted, along with a brief description of the structure of Chinese Monasticism, including priestly diet and observances.

Figure 13:John Ogliby, The Idoll Sekia, plate following pg. 43, printed in Arnoldus Montanus, Atlas Chinensis, 1671, Asia Rare DS708 .M76 ++, The Charles W. Wason Collection on East Asia
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In this engraving, architectural representation is conflated with the ethnographic representation of the Chinese adherents into a single characterization of Chinese religious architecture. However typical or authentic, this image and its related text reveal how deep-seated the encyclopedic complication of information, both written and visualized was to European missionaries and diplomats as a vehicle for spreading knowledge about native cultures and consequently impacting larger processes of cross-cultural mediation. Such fieldwork was compiled into large, illustrated atlases such as the one containing the above image, and disseminated amongst important political and economic figures. In this light, the seventeenth century atlas or compendium as a category of print media disseminating ethnographic research can be better understood as an important reference document for the individuals steering European political, economic, and religious policy.

Kroch Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections
Cornell University Library

The formal visual representations of foreign people and places constructed by engravings in this genre of encyclopedic atlas further engendered particular modes of understanding and consuming exotic cultures from thousands of miles removed. The audience for these enormous, costly tomes was likely restricted to Europeans with ample financial resources. In particular, the provenance of the Kroch Library's Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections' copy of the Atlas Chinensis reveals it was purchased for the library of the English Lords Arundell of Wardour, several of whom held high positions in the English government, including membership on the privy council of King James II. In this light, the seventeenth century atlas or compendium as a category of print media disseminating ethnographic research can be better understood as an important reference document for the same individuals steering European political, economic, and religious policy.

Conclusion

Through the above three modules of investigation, I contend that the process of mediating discovery and mission work is a fundamental topic within the larger framework of architourism. It is because of this aggressive chronicling, compiling, editing, illustrating, and disseminating of ethnographic information that major cross-cultural awareness was realized in the Early Modern period. While the print material produced by the global missionary network does not constitute a building, these resources are explicitly architecture in their role of constructing a lasting understanding of inaccessible spaces and their inhabitants to a largely immobile European audience. In this way, the amalgamated representation of architecture and ethnography constructed and subsequently stood in for places and peoples outside of the physical viewing of Europeans. The modules I have examined are each unique products of a design process, whether linguistic, cartographic, or encyclopedic, which each represent a complex addition to the understanding of the origins of architoursim in the Early Modern period.

Bibliography

Materials Housed in KRMC, Cornell University Library:

Claude Joseph Virot, S.J., notebook entry entitled: In conferendo extremae unctionis sacramento, compiled in Jacques Le Sueur, S.J., Histoire du Calumet e de la Danse, 1734, Archives 9044 Bd. Ms. 1, Native American Collection [fmr. The Huntington Free Library Native American Collection], Carl A. Kroch Library Division of Rare & Manuscript Collections, Cornell University. (Fig 11).

K. De Putter, Maisons des Negres du Cap Mezurado, plate, pg 104, printed in Jean Baptiste Labat, Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinèe, isles voisines, et a Cayenne, fait en 1725, 1726, & 1727, vol. I, 1731, Rare Books G460 .L11 1731, Carl A. Kroch Library Division of Rare & Manuscript Collections, Cornell University. (Fig 12).

John Ogliby, The Idoll Sekia, plate following pg. 43, printed in Arnoldus Montanus, Atlas Chinensis, 1671, Asia Rare DS708 .M76 ++, The Charles W. Wason Collection on East Asia, Carl A. Kroch Library Division of Rare & Manuscript Collections, Cornell University. (Fig 13)

Secondary Sources:

De Brébuef, Jean. "Of the Language of the Hurons." 1636, In The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America, ed. Allan Greer. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.

De Brébuef, Jean. "On the Polity of the Hurons and Their Government." 1636, in The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America, ed. Allan Greer. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.

John W. O'Malley, and Gauvin Alexander Bailey, eds. The Jesuits and the Arts: 1540-1773. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Saint Joseph's University Press, 2003.

Le Jeune, Paul. "Journal [of a Winter Hunt]," 1634, in The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America, ed. Allan Greer, 23-26. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.

Le Jeune, Paul. "On the Good Things Which Are Found among the Indians," 1634, in The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America, ed. Allan Greer, 23-26. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.

Le Jeune, Paul. "On their Hunting and Fishing," 1634, in The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America, ed. Allan Greer, 27. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.

Mullet, Michael A. The Catholic Reformation. London: Routledge, 1999.

Scarisbrick, J.J. The Jesuits and the Catholic Reformation. Edited by Gareth Elwyn Jones. London: The Historical Association, 1989.

Wright, A.D. The Counter-Reformation: Catholic Europe and the Non-Christian World. Edited by Thomas F. Mayer. London: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2005.

Pertinent WWW Resources:

Smith, Nicholas N. "The Wabenaki Indian Collection." Cornell University Library, Division of Rare & Manuscript Collections.http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/collections/HFLguides/page9.htm(accessed 28 October 2011).

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